Bella & Flora circa 1897
Bella Strauß was born on 14 May 1884 in the spa town of Bad Homburg, two years after her older sister Flora. They were “inseparable from childhood”. They grew up together, married into the same family and they died together.
Their parents, Jakob and Bertha Strauß, ran a successful shoe and haberdashery shop first at Louisenstraße 16 and later—after 1912—at No. 35; above the showroom lay the spacious family flat where Bella and Flora were .
Curious and sociable, Bella attended a liberal day-boarding school where French and English were taught to the daughters of visiting spa guests. Teachers quickly noted her gift for languages and literature; a prized reward from Rabbi Dr Kottek—a beautifully bound Book of Legends and Tales from Jewish Pre-history—still bears her name and the date April 1898. She dreamed of becoming a teacher but the unwritten rules of the “respectable Jewish middle class” kept her behind the shop counter. Even so, Bella smuggled Goethe read Shakespeare under the till,

Richard lived for a while with his elder brother Julius in Wiesbaden with his elder brother Julius till the two families connected. Eventually both Rothschild brothers married both Strauß sisters. Richard, the handsome travelling salesman from Alsfeld in Bad Homburg – and Flora and Julius in Wiesbaden – they visited each other frequently. Richard and Bella married on 24 May 1912. Julius and a Jewish neighbor, Rudolf Weiden, were witnesses
Jakob continued to run Schuhhaus Strauß. He expected his new son-in-law to modernise the business under his watchful eye. Ellen later remembered feeling deeply sorry for both her parents, all living in the space and her grandfather – and her father having to ‘take orders’ from old Jakob Strauß. After Bertha’s death in 1923 and Jakob’s own passing in 1928, ownership and day-to-day authority, finally passed to Richard and Bella.
Three children followed: artistically gifted Edith (1913), book-devouring Fritz (1918) and shy, observant Ellen (1922). The shop and the flat were threaded together by Eugenie the live-in housekeeper who became the children’s second mother, and Bella’s steadfast ally for two decades and Ellen and Fritz’s connection their roots in the post war period.
Bella’s strengths were easy to admire—intelligence, linguistic flair, a strong sense of fairness. But she carried vulnerabilities too: lifelong headaches, bouts of insomnia, and a temperament that could swing from bright talk to brooding silence. Ellen later wrote that when her parents quarreled Bella would light the Sabbath candles, lay her hands on the children’s heads and sing a lullaby in a voice “not very steady,” yet the trembling seemed to give the blessing extra weight..
The Nazi victory of January 1933 reached Bad Homburg. SA lorries roared down Louisenstraße, their inmates yelling slogans. Kauft nicht bei Juden! (don’t buy from Jews) was a prime one, while and brown-shirts planted themselves outside the Rothschild window-display where customers once queued for summer sandals. Bella watched friends cross the street rather than greet her. Sales collapsed; gossip whispered that the Mercedes-Affe—the grinning monkey logo for the premiere handled brand of shoes and the shop’s trademark—should be “Aryanized.”
In April 1935 the town cinema opposite the Ackermann leather shop hosted Leni Riefenstahl’s Triumph of the Will. A neighbor’s son, now in Hitler Youth uniform, taunted Ellen with “Jew—shit in your hat!”; The reflex reply, “Christian—shit in your chest,” was brave but ultimately was in vain. The constant stress brought Bella nights of shaking nerves. When the boycott spread she broke down. In early 1936 Richard found her rocking in bed, trapped in cycles of nightmares. Doctors certified a nervous collapse and admitted her briefly to a clinic; sedatives dulled the terror but not the cause.
In a tough but in a pragmatic move, Richard sold the shop at far below value, to an ‘Aryan’ competitor – Emil Humpert and moved the family to anonymous Frankfurt-am-Main. The iconic monkey logo stayed on the façade—“grinning in mockery,” Ellen wrote. but the name Rothschild was removed from the frontage. Bella, still shaky, reinvented herself as a private English tutor. Richard was back to being a travelling sales man.
The family’s sense of fragile safety shattered on 9–10 November 1938. Kristallnacht meant burned or smashed synagogues and broken windows for Jewish businesses. In Frankfurt; all Jewish men between 16 and 60 were seized. Richard, Fritz and Uncle Julius were all arrested in different locations and vanished into Buchenwald. At home Bella confronted Gestapo clerks, filled endless forms, and—most daringly—appealed directly to a police official to bring her son home for Christmas: ‘I thought you were humane… But your task is to see that Jews are killed, not saved’. brought a last minute response – ‘your son might come home sooner than you think’. Evidently the officer petitioned for Fritz and Richard’s release. Richard who arrived first and then Fritz -emaciated, toes black with frostbite. Bella had chased visas for Northern Rhodesia, the only destination where Richard’s half-siblings could sponsor them. She prioritized the departure of the men, believing women were in slightly less danger. and at that very moment that was true. But it was a selfless calculation because it was only a question of time before the women were targeted too. Julius’ release was announced too by by that time he had died in the camp- in Fritz’s arms.
February 1939. Richard reached Southampton and headed to Africa while Fritz boarded the Ussukuma, threading down the African coast to Beira, Mozambique, then by rail to Northern Rhodesia (Zambia). On board, with Fritz – fourteen other Jewish refugees lacked permit to land because they lacked the train fare inland; one family, fearing return to Germany, took their own lives—an episode that haunted him.
Bella’s next task was Ellen. She cajoled the ever reluctant officials into stamping Kindertransport papers, itemized a humiliating luggage list (only fifty kilos, meticulously checked), and kissed her seventeen-year-old goodbye at Frankfurt Hauptbahnhof on 28 July 1939. Mother and daughter never saw one another again.
Flora, later widowed after Julius died in Buchenwald. She moved in with Bela bringing Persian carpets to cover over the rented parquet. By autumn Bella and Flora were still in the Westend flat, two middle-aged sisters trying to preserve civility: afternoon tea with rationed sugar, French conversations to keep their minds agile, communicating or meeting Frau Ackermann when possible. It was grief and pleasure when letters from England Africa and USA arrived.
Visas to Africa and monies were secured for Bella and Flora to leave for Africa but the war was now on and most exit countries occupied by the Nazis. A transit visa was sought through Portugal. but it failed. Details below.
Ansgar Schaefer’s article, “Facing an ‘Invasion of Undesirables’: The Worsening of the Restrictions on Entering Portugal” highlights the lost chance of refuge for Flora and Bela Rothschild as emblematic victims
Page 33 Case Study of Flora and Bela Rothschild
“But what did it really mean to lack one visa.
As one example that represents the literally thousands of refugees refused entry into Portugal is the tragic fate of two German sisters, Flora and Bela Rothschild18.
At the end of 1939, both ladies applied for an entry visa for Rhodesia where they intended to join the rest of their family. The Rhodesian police granted the request, ensuring both would receive the visa once they were in a neutral country. With this information, both women applied for a visa to Mozambique, the crossing point into Rhodesia. Furthermore, in December 1939, the Immigration Police in Beira, Mozambique, notified the Portuguese consul of Hamburg that the entry visas for Rhodesia were already in their hands.
The Portuguese consul therefore informed Mrs. Bella Rothschild that for their departure from Nazi Germany they needed only the confirmation of their Portuguese visa by the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Ministry instruction to grant the visas, which arrived in Hamburg via telegraph, however stated the condition that the passports had to already have the Rhodesian visa stamp, thus ignoring how these visas could not be received in Germany due to the war. Aware of this fact, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs contacted its colony counterpart to ask for their opinion on the situation.
In its reply (onMarch 30,1940), the Ministry of Colonies stated that it had previously rejected a similar. letter of December 16, 1940, annexed to the order of the Secretary General of the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, dated 13/6/1940.
The case “Rothschild” is contained in a folder with the title: “Suspended for aggravation of the situation (to be seen when there is opportunity)”. concerning the same ladies considering that it was “inconvenient to comply with the claim ”.Surprisingly, on the border of this letter, there is an unreadable signature and a pencil written note asking: “Would it not be of advantage to consult the English or the people of Rhodesia?” That note conveys how the idea of rejecting the requests of Bela and Flora Rothschild did not get full support in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, on April 4, 1940, the Ministry did send a telegram to the Hamburg consulate, which read as follows: “Visa Rothschild sister passports rejected .”But the relatives did not give up and, by April 1940, the two ladies had already received their passports from the German authorities and had even already purchased their passages to Beira (Mozambique) aboard the ship “Lloyd Triestino .Theseare the latest details to be found in the archive of the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The fact that the “Rothschild case” is filed in a folder entitled “Suspended due to worsened situation (for consideration when there is opportunity)”is no indication of a happy ending. Indeed, we find the names of both sisters in the Memorial Book 19 edited by the German Federal Archive, which remembers the names of the 149,600 German Jews killed in the Holocaust. Flora and Bella Rothschild were both deported on October 20, 1941 from Frankfurt to the Lodz ghetto where Bella most probably died while her sister Flora was killed at the Kulmhof (Chelmno) extermination camp
On 19 October 1941 Transport DA 6 left Frankfurt’s Grossmarkthalle with 1,005 Jews crammed into third-class coaches. Radegast station outside Łódź greeted them with snow and shouted slurs. Within thirty-five minutes guards had driven the bewildered arrivals—Bella and Flora among them—through mud to the school on Franzstraße 13, now a “collection barrack.” Chronicler Oskar Rosenfeld, deported the same day, wrote of “carts pulled by starving men, barefoot children in the slush, and faces that whispered, We will outlive you yet”.
Inside the walled ghetto life shrank to hunger, lice and hope measured in Rumkies. The brittle scrip printed by the Judenrat. Payroll lists record Bella receiving tiny sums on 5 Feb, 10 Feb (with Flora beside her), sporadically in April, and once more on 1 May 1942; after 11 May her name disappears, the column marked “erled.” completed.
What happened next remains conjecture: They could have died from iIllness cold or starvation: they could have died in the ghetto’s typhus wards before the mass “resettlements.” Otherwise there were the Chelmno gas vans: Frankfurt collective VI supplied deportees to Chelmno on 12–13 May 1942; Flora is officially listed as murdered there, though no trace survives.
Either way, no postcard left Franzstraße; no postcard or note reached Rhodesia. In 1948 a Frankfurt court, at Fritz’s request, declared both women dead as of the deportation date, a bureaucratic full stop that disguise d the brutal ellipse of their final year.
Ellen, writing in distant Zimbabwe decades later, paints her mother not as a saint but a complex, modern woman.
Lookng back on their lives, Flora Bella shared more than blood. They spoke a rapid private patter of French idioms, laughed over childhood secrets, and in Frankfurt pooled ration coupons to stitch an extra quilt for Ellen’s trunk. In the Łódź ghetto, neighbors recalled “two German sisters who kept speaking English together, as if practicing for another life, somewhere else” (*testimony in post-war compensation files). Holding onto language was, perhaps, their last act of ownership.
When Fritz filed Red Cross inquiries in 1943 he addressed them to “Theresienstadt”—he could not imagine his scholarly, music-loving mother in the hellscape of Chelmno. The reply never came, but the query letters remain, signed simply “Richard, Fritz, Ellen—your loving family”.
MANDATE _ ACTUAL DOCUMENTS – THE FINAL TRANSPORT TO LODZ GHETTO
TRANSLATION BELOW
The date for evacuation, i.e. deportation, was set as 1 September 1942.
And in this case as well, the district office of Hessen-Nassau of the
Reich Association of Jews in Germany was assigned the extremely
burdensome task of instructing the individuals selected by the Gestapo
one more time in detail. We attach this information sheet herewith:
18.16.3.
District Office Hessen-Nassau of the Reich Association of Jews in Germany
_____________________________________________________________
Frankfurt a.M., 22 August 1942
Wiesbaden
Mr.
Mrs.
Miss Israel ………………….
Wiesbaden
……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
By official order, we inform you that you are designated for collective accommodation outside the old Reich territory. You are to appear on Saturday, the 29th of this month by 1:00 p.m. at the synagogue building on Friedrichstraße with your luggage.
Admission begins at 10:00 a.m.
Each person may bring no more than RM 50 in cash.
Bringing a higher amount is strictly forbidden.
Violations will result in the harshest state police measures.
It is permissible, however, for wealthier participants to give up to RM 50 per person to those with fewer means. For those unable to bring RM 50, the necessary funds will be provided from communal resources by the transport leadership.
Bringing foreign currency, securities, savings books, or other valuables — especially gold and jewelry — is strictly forbidden.
Only a wedding ring may be worn. Any additional personal jewelry that may not be taken must be surrendered upon arrival at the collection point.
It must be placed in a sturdy envelope with name, address, ID number, and a detailed list of contents.
Bringing the most essential personal clothing and main garments is permitted. Clothing that is unusable or inappropriate for the season should be left behind if possible.
The following luggage may be brought:
a) A small suitcase (60 x 45 x 12 cm) or a backpack, which should contain only what is absolutely necessary. The suitcase key must be attached to the suitcase. Suitcases must be labeled with a cardboard tag bearing the owner’s name. Marking with paint is prohibited.
b) A bread bag or handbag with food provisions for several days, as well as eating utensils (preferably an enamel pot or metal item) along with a spoon (but no knife!) and a drinking cup.
Each transport participant should also bring:
1 pillow with cover, 1 wool blanket with cover (blanket cover), and 1 bed sheet.
Razors with blades or straight razors may not be brought by the transport participants themselves. These must be bundled and labeled with the owner’s name, handed in at the synagogue building upon arrival, and will then be sent to the destination collectively.
Participants are also requested to bring or hand in in advance household items such as cooking utensils, enamel plates and cups, cutlery, buckets, brushes, etc.
All assets of persons designated for emigration are considered confiscated. Accordingly, they must refrain from disposing of their assets; in particular, they are strictly forbidden from giving away, selling, or transferring any items in their possession to someone else for safekeeping.
Existing payment obligations may still be fulfilled. This also applies to any amounts still owed to the Reich Association of Jews in Germany, including home purchase contracts, donations, and special contributions to account W.
The remaining assets must be listed in a **declaration of assets**. Each person designated for emigration will receive an official form titled “Declaration of Assets.” This declaration must be filled out with the utmost care in accordance with the instructions on the first page before leaving the residence and must be brought along. All documents related to the declaration—e.g., contracts, certificates, rental agreements—must be attached.
Emigrants with assets of RM 1,000 or more must conclude home purchase contracts according to our special notifications. From the remaining assets, they must pay (with donation to the RJD on account HS) a special purchase amount.
Persons with cash holdings over RM 1,000 must declare this according to official instructions as a special contribution to account W of the Reich Association of Jews in Germany, District Office Hessen-Nassau in Frankfurt a.M., stating clearly in cash notation and specifying the asset: cash, cash deposits in banks or savings banks.
Contributions, etc., to the RJD must be paid for the entire year 1942.
A payment request is enclosed.
Order forms for all intended payments are enclosed and must be submitted to the Wiesbaden office by the 28th of this month. The same applies to payment orders for the banks based on the home purchase agreement.
Transport participants who wish to pay the required amounts from their savings account must hand in their savings passbook to the office.
Residences must be locked. They must be clean.Keys must be labeled with a name tag and handed in at the collection center upon arrival.
Each participant must prepare a cardboard name tag, approx. 18 x 7 cm in size, to be worn around the neck, on which their name and identification number must be written in indelible ink.
District Office Hessen-Nassau of the Reich Association of Jews in Germany
Dr. Georg Israel Goldstein Berthold Israel Guthmann